India’s reliance on Russian platforms is a liability, and its strategic planners recognize this fact. But addressing it by purchasing the F-35 would be the worst possible solution.
In the wake of the White House’s proverbial nuking of US-India relations—which had been so promising at the start of President Donald Trump’s second term—the Indian government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi formally announced its decision earlier this month to pull out of negotiations to purchase the Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II fifth-generation warplane.
Instead, New Delhi plans to purchase the rival fifth-generation warplane, the Sukhoi Su-57 “Felon” (NATO callsign), from Russia.
India Was Never Serious About Buying the F-35
Much caterwauling from Western capitals ensued following that announcement. But the attempt to sell the F-35 to India was as unserious as India’s purported interest in buying it. The Russian Su-57 was always a better option for India, given New Delhi’s relatively modest defense budget; it is significantly cheaper than the F-35, far less complicated to maintain, and nearly as lethal as the American warbird—at least on paper.
The reason the bid by Lockheed Martin to sell their F-35 platform to India was so farcical was not simply the high price and complex nature of the plane. More importantly, ever since India gained independence from the British Empire in 1947, it had aligned its military development closely with Moscow. For nearly 80 years, the bulk of India’s military technology and training has come from the Soviet Union, and after 1991 the Russian Federation.
This is a liability for India, and New Delhi absolutely must diversify its military reliance on Russia. Indian strategic planners recognize this fact. But attempting to do so by purchasing the F-35 from the West would be the worst possible solution. Becoming reliant on the F-35 would have simply put the country’s military in the opposite position—tied into America’s troubled defense industrial base for its maintenance and upkeep needs for the entirety of the plane’s lifespan.
The Su-57’s History
The origins of the Su-57 trace back to the late Soviet era. In 1979, the USSR initiated the I-90 program to develop a next-generation fighter, leading to concepts like the Mikoyan MFI (Project 1.44). After the collapse of the Soviet Union, funding shortages drastically stalled progress, but in 1999, Russia revived the effort as the PAK FA (Prospective Aeronautical Complex of Front-Line Aviation) program.
Russia’s iconic Sukhoi Design Bureau won the contract in 2002, designating it internally as the T-50. On January 29, 2010, the first prototype of the Su-57 took flight. Even then, this unique warplane faced significant hurdles, including major engine issues, structural failures, and a notorious 2019 crash of the first production model. Things were not looking good for Sukhoi.
Nevertheless, Moscow was committed to developing a system to rival Western fifth-generation warplanes. So Russian persistence took hold on this project.
In 2019, serial production began, with the aircraft entering service in December 2020. Initially, Moscow wanted 250-300 units by 2025, but economic pressures from the Ukraine War stymied that goal. Further, Sukhoi originally built the Su-57 to include equipment sourced from Western countries. Once the Ukraine War began in earnest, Sukhoi lost access to those supply chains, setting back their production targets.
Nevertheless, Sukhoi has continued work on the plane. An export variant, the Su-57E, debuted at the MAKS-2019 airshow. Meanwhile, domestic production is ramping up. There have even been recent upgrades in the form of the Su-57M variant, which first took flight in October 2022. This model features the most advanced Russian engines and avionics available.
In May of this year, Russia then unveiled the Su-57M1, incorporating artificial intelligence for improved battlefield connectivity, reworked avionics, and better thrust-vectoring capabilities. Hard lessons learned from Ukraine operations have influenced these updates.
The Su-57’s Specifications
- Length: 20.1 meters (66 ft)
- Wingspan: 14.1 meters (46 feet)
- Weight: 18,500 kg (40,786 lb) empty; 26,700 kg (58,863 lb) normal takeoff weight; 29,770 kg (65,630 lb) maximum takeoff weight
- Top speed: Mach 2 (1,480 mph) with afterburners; Mach 1.3 (963 mph) supercruise
- Range: 3,500 km (2,200 mi)
- Engines: Two Saturn AL-41F1 turbofan engines; soon to be replaced by two Izdeliye 30 engines
- Avionics: Sh-121 system with N036 Byelka X-band AESA radar, plus side-looking radars and L402 Himalayas electronic countermeasures (ECM) suite; 101KS Atoll electro-optical system providing infrared search and track (IRST), missile approach warning, and directed infrared countermeasures
- Armaments: 30mm GSh-30-1 cannon; up to 12 hardpoints; internal weapons bays
The Su-57 supports hypersonic missiles, such as the R-37M and, more recently, an air-launched variant of the Zircon—capable of an astonishing Mach 9.
Stealth, of course, is the key feature of this plane. The reduced radar cross-section (RCS) is achieved through planform alignment, serrated edges, radar-absorbent materials, and internal weapons bays. Critics note that the exposed engine components and build quality issues, such as visible rivets, compromise full-spectrum stealth. But India does not need “full-spectrum stealth”; it simply needs a better plane than its current fourth-generation fleet. The Su-57 provides this, at a far more affordable price than the F-35.
Russia’s Su-57 Is a Good Fit for India
At Aero India in 2025, the Su-57 displayed there demonstrated a remarkable ten-second takeoff on a short runway, showcasing the engine prowess of this plane.
While there remain persistent production delays and other shortfalls, the fact remains that this plane has always been the likely successor for India’s main combat aircraft, regardless of developments in the relationship between the United States and India. It never made much sense for New Delhi to become a user of the F-35—a fact that India’s defense planners have finally acknowledged.
About the Author: Brandon J. Weichert
Brandon J. Weichert, a Senior National Security Editor at The National Interest as well as a contributor at Popular Mechanics, who consults regularly with various government institutions and private organizations on geopolitical issues. Weichert’s writings have appeared in multiple publications, including the Washington Times, National Review, The American Spectator, MSN, the Asia Times, and countless others. His books include Winning Space: How America Remains a Superpower, Biohacked: China’s Race to Control Life, and The Shadow War: Iran’s Quest for Supremacy. His newest book, A Disaster of Our Own Making: How the West Lost Ukraine is available for purchase wherever books are sold. He can be followed via Twitter @WeTheBrandon.
Image: Shutterstock / BeAvPhoto.
